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Ban Targeted Advertising
Author: David Dayen
Date: 2018
From: Gale Opposing Viewpoints Online Collection
Publisher: Gale, a Cengage Company
Document Type: Viewpoint essay
Length: 1,691 words
Content Level: (Level 4)
Lexile Measure: 1150L
Full Text:
Article Commentary
“It’s obvious the surveillance economy’s biggest practitioners won’t police themselves.”
David Dayen is a journalist, editor, and the author of Chain of Title: How Three Ordinary Americans Uncovered Wall Street’s Great
Foreclosure Fraud. In the following viewpoint, he argues that targeted online advertising should be banned because such advertising
is the primary reason that social media sites and other apps collect vast amounts of user data, contributing to widespread invasions
of user privacy. Outlining a series of public revelations about data collection in the wake of the Cambridge Analytica and Facebook
scandals, Dayen illustrates the wide range of user privacy issues implicated in the practice. While the author acknowledges that
many other strategies could potentially address privacy violations and invasions, he concludes that banning the practice of targeted
advertising is the most effective and efficient approach.
As you read, consider the following questions:
1. According to the author, what are the drawbacks of a government policy that requires websites to offer users the choice to
opt-out of data collection?
2. What evidence does the author provide to support his argument that targeted advertising does not appear beneficial for
consumers or advertisers? Do you find it convincing?
3. Do you agree or disagree with Dayen’s argument that targeted advertising encourages monopolies and other kinds of
corrupt or unethical business practices? Explain your answer.
For the first 35 years of my life, like most Americans, I was exposed to lots of advertising. I absorbed billboards and print ads and
direct mailers and television commercials and radio jingles. I learned about available products and services, and chose which ones I
wanted. Some businesses I patronized survived and others didn’t. The economy mostly proceeded apace.
Then, over the last decade, this form of marketing became seen as insufficient—or rather, the rise of digital media made a more
invasive form of marketing too irresistible. Instead of having to cast a wide net in searching for potential customers, advertisers now
could know every intimate detail about those customers beforehand. They began targeting people geographically and behaviorally,
based on common interests or things they liked in social media or what they wrote in emails to friends. The surveillance economy
was born.
The surveillance economy should die. This manner of advertising doesn’t serve the public and it’s not even clear it serves advertisers.
It facilitates monopoly, as those with the biggest data troves receive all the ad dollars. That centralizes the potential for and
magnitude of abuse, with Big Data used to discriminate against groups, steer vulnerable people to financial scams, and meddle in
U.S. elections. Cambridge Analytica’s scraping of 87 million user profiles through a simple personality quiz, and then weaponizing
that information on behalf of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign, revealed how information on social media is inherently insecure
(https://www.wired.com/story/facebook-exposed-87-million-users-to-cambridge-analytica/). Now Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg is
appearing before Congress on Tuesday to explain how this won’t happen again.
But instead of leaving regulation to Facebook, or devising one Rube Goldberg scenario after another to try to protect consumer data,
the U.S. can take one simple, legal step to roll back this dystopian nightmare: ban targeted advertising.
Here’s what we’ve learned about personalized ads in just the past few weeks: Advertisers armed with Big Data can ensure housing or
employment advertisements don’t reach African-Americans or Hispanics, discriminating on the basis of race
(https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/27/nyregion/facebook-housing-ads-discrimination-lawsuit.html). Scam companies and grifters can
use targeted ads to find an environment of “suckers” prone to believing their pitches
(https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2018-03-27/ad-scammers-need-suckers-and-facebook-helps-find-them). The capture and
storage of personal information itself creates a target, prone to data harvesting and breaches
(https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/19/opinion/facebook-cambridge-analytica.html). Companies luring advertisers want to expand this
data trove; Facebook recently sent a doctor to talk with top hospitals about acquiring patient data, which could violate medical
confidentiality rules (https://www.cnbc.com/2018/04/05/facebook-building-8-explored-data-sharing-agreement-with-hospitals.html).
Facebook and Google, the surveillance economy’s leading lights, collect this data primarily as a resource for advertisers. Digital ad
spending surpassed television ad spending globally for the first time; targeted data is prized. A stated goal of the proposed merger
between AT&T and Time Warner is to collect a broader range of viewer data to conduct stronger ad targeting.
Do the benefits of targeted ads for consumers outweigh the risks and downsides of mass data collection? That’s unclear. Back when
targeted ads didn’t follow me around the internet, I still somehow found what I wanted to buy. The social value is dubious, if they even
work. (We’ve all had the experience of buying something online and then getting ads for the same product for weeks, as if we needed
two pair of the same shoes.) Most surveys of targeted ads are conducted by advertisers and are completely unreliable.
Is targeting good for media companies that get top dollar for access to their audience? No. Facebook and Google have decimated
brand value by tracking people across the web, not only when they visit the Wall Street Journal or Seventeen magazine
(https://talkingpointsmemo.com/edblog/data-lords-the-real-story-of-big-data-facebook-and-the-future-of-news). Do advertisers get
more value from personalization? This is not proven. Tech platforms have repeatedly been caught lying to advertisers about the
reach and effectiveness of their ads. Procter & Gamble, the world’s largest advertiser, cut its budget for targeted digital ads last year
because they found it to be a waste of money (https://www.wsj.com/articles/p-g-slashed-digital-ad-spending-by-another-100-
million-1519915621).
There’s nothing wrong with media companies sampling their audiences to determine average income or age or voting preferences;
market research has been a staple of advertising for decades. But when you build specific profiles of individuals, copy the
information, and distribute it for use by advertisers, problems emerge. And the government cannot enforce what it cannot see, so the
abuses occur far under the radar.
It’s obvious the surveillance economy’s biggest practitioners won’t police themselves. Mark Zuckerberg has been apologizing for
Facebook’s extraction of user data for 14 years. He has alternately said Facebook would globally apply European data privacy
requirements, and then that it wouldn’t. He has said that Facebook’s systems prevented hate speech and genocide in Burma, and
human rights groups called him a liar. Facebook now says it will demand authentication for political advertisers and inform users
whose data was improperly shared. But we should not expect a for-profit company to perform the activities of a government regulator.
There’s no question the U.S. government has the right to regulate advertising, and even limit it (https://www.truthinadvertising.org/fe).
The Federal Trade Commission monitors advertising and marketing to prohibit unfair or deceptive practices and enforce truth-inadvertising laws (https://www.ftc.gov/enforcement/statutes/federal-trade-commission-act). The U.S. evens regulates the volume of
television ads.
And there’s already precedent for banning ads in the U.S. The Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act banned cigarette ads on TV and
radio in 1971. Smokeless tobacco ads were banned in 1986 (http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/15/ch70.html). The Family Smoking
Prevention and Tobacco Control Act of 2010 extended the ban to event sponsorships and promotional material like T-shirts or hats
(https://www.fda.gov/TobaccoProducts/GuidanceComplianceRegulatoryInformation/ucm246129.htm). The Telephone Disclosure and
Dispute Resolution Act banned marketing of 900-number ads to children under the age of 12, one of several measures restricting
advertising to kids (https://www.ftc.gov/sites/default/files/documents/public_statements/advertising-kids-and-ftc-regulatoryretrospective-advises-present/040802adstokids.pdf). The Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act bars data collection, the raw
materials of targeted ads, from children under 13 (https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/15/chapter-91).
The ban I propose would be rather straightforward: The U.S. would disallow all individually targeted ads, with large fines or even
removal from the public airwaves for repeated violations. Nothing tied to a user’s identity should be used to serve them a particular
message. Companies would have to make all ads on its networks publicly viewable and searchable, so regulators can oversee them.
The ban would remove the financial incentive to collect data and spy on users. Companies still might do it, to understand what keeps
users on their sites. But competitors can overcome that by delivering compelling and useful content, which may actually become
important again.
As Harvard professor Jonathan Zittrain explains in The New York Times, consent is too much of a burden on users. The U.S. could
require an opt-out of data collection, as they’re about to do in Europe, but Facebook says that would be a “paid product,” creating a
two-tiered divide on a service fundamental to modern life. The U.S. could change nothing and try to use fines after the fact to affect
corporate behavior, but we know from the banking industry that this doesn’t work. There are options like making tech platforms legally
responsible to act in the best interests of users, or creating nonprofit web 2.0 alternatives. But the easiest way to eliminate the
darkest forces of the internet is to ban targeted ads.
My wife is in advertising, and her first reaction to this proposal was that lots of people at ad companies and tech firms would be fired,
which is true. But when globalization destroyed hundreds of thousands of U.S. manufacturing jobs, few elite policymakers batted an
eyelash. When longstanding professions like taxi drivers and truckers get “disrupted,” it’s seen as the march of progress. That
thousands of well-educated, well-trained innovators might have to find another line of work is worth the price of ridding the country of
the surveillance economy. I have far more confidence that a Bay Area coder will land on their feet than a textile worker in the South in
the 1980s.
The tech-platform giants have been the main beneficiaries of the surveillance economy, their earnings skyrocketing the moment they
unleashed the power of mass spying. Facebook, without personalized ads, would still have an audience of two billion users. Google,
without personalized ads, would still host billions of searches daily on their site. Surely their executives can figure out how to translate
that into profit. In fact, Facebook would be likely to survive without taking one advertising dollar from Western countries
(https://qz.com/1246099/can-facebook-survive-without-advertising/).
Anyway, ensuring the profitability of tech companies is not the government’s concern; protecting the public is.
When Zuckerberg appears before a joint Senate committee on Tuesday, someone ought to ask him why Facebook users should be
forced to accept targeted advertising. He should be asked to make the case for its existence—not only why targeted advertising is
more beneficial than traditional advertising, but why he thinks the associated dangers are worth the risk. If the question leaves him
speechless, that would be perhaps the most honest answer of all.
Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2022 Gale, a Cengage Company
Source Citation (MLA 9th Edition)
Dayen, David. “Ban Targeted Advertising.” Gale Opposing Viewpoints Online Collection, Gale, 2022. Gale In Context: Opposing
Viewpoints, link.gale.com/apps/doc/HTIEWE899739626/OVIC?u=txshracd2489&sid=bookmark-OVIC&xid=1122588e. Accessed
20 Jan. 2022. Originally published as “Ban Targeted Advertising,” The New Republic, 10 Apr. 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|HTIEWE899739626
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The Electoral College is not what our founders imagined. It is
time to rethink it
Date: Sept. 2020
From: America(Vol. 223, Issue 3)
Publisher: America Press, Inc.
Document Type: Article
Length: 1,518 words
Content Level: (Level 5)
Lexile Measure: 1370L
Full Text:
In the presidential election of 2000, George W. Bush won a majority of the Electoral College while Al Gore won the popular vote by a
margin of more than 500,000. In 2016, the Electoral College winner, Donald J. Trump, polled almost three million fewer votes than his
opponent, Hillary Clinton. Some political scientists predict more split results like these if current projections hold true and the
population becomes more concentrated in fewer states. One reason is that small states each get at least three electoral votes
regardless of population size–a form of disproportionate representation that raises profound issues for our democracy.
Even before these elections, there had been serious efforts to reform or abolish the Electoral College. In 1969 the U.S. House of
Representatives approved, by a substantial majority, a constitutional amendment, which I assisted in formulating, to implement a
national popular vote system for electing the president and vice president: but the amendment later died in the Senate without a vote
on its merits.
Previous attempts to end the Electoral College have failed because reformers have differed on how to change the system and
because opponents have argued that the Electoral College has both provided stability and ensured representation for all states. But
does fundamental fairness require that every vote be equal in a presidential election because the president is elected to represent all
of the United States? This one-person, in all other U.S. elections and was at the core of the amendment
that passed the House in 1969. It is also embraced by the National Popular Vote Plan, which I will discuss later in this essay.
The framers of the Constitution rejected a national popular vote for president, believing the people were not ready for such a system.
George Mason, a delegate from Virginia, said, “It would be unnatural to refer the choice of a proper character for chief magistrate to
the people, as it would to refer a trial of colors to a blind man.”
Some of the framers expressed concerns that the people would not be sufficiently informed of candidates beyond their own states
and would vote for those they knew from their own states, leading to domination by large states, such as New York and
Massachusetts. At least one framer worried about the people being misled by “designing” men. Others suggested that a popular
election would not lead to a consensus on a single, national candidate after Washington left office. James Madison argued that the
Electoral College would express the will of the people if the people chose the electors.
Hamilton’s Folly?
The framers ultimately chose a process of selection by presidential electors-who, in turn, would be chosen in each state by a method
decided by the state legislature. As Alexander Hamilton envisioned, the choice of president “should be made by men most capable of
analyzing the qualities adapted to the station.” He added that a “small number of persons, selected by their fellow citizens from the
general mass, will be most likely to possess the information and discernment requisite to such complicated investigations.”
So why was there a serious effort to abolish the Electoral College in 1969? The previous year, a third-party candidate, Gov. George
Wallace of Alabama, had almost received enough electoral votes to deny either major-party candidate a majority. He wanted to
prevent anyone from winning a majority so he could use his electoral votes as leverage; his plan was to ask his electors to vote for
the major-party candidate who voiced stronger support for his segregationist policies. The incident raised concerns in both parties
that the electoral process could be hijacked.
What the framers envisioned in their design–a kind of blue-ribbon commission with members from every state to select the most
suitable person to be president–never really materialized. When George Washington, twice a unanimous choice for president, retired,
the inherent defects of the Electoral College became obvious. In the election of 1796, one presidential elector cast his vote for
president contrary to his instruction as a chosen elector of the Federalist Party, leading one citizen to say: “Do I choose Samuel Miles
[the elector] to determine for me whether John Adams or Thomas Jefferson is the fittest man for president?… No, I choose him to act,
not to think.”
By 1826, a Senate select committee concluded that electors had “degenerated into mere agents, in a case which requires no agency,
and where the agent must be useless, if he is faithful, and dangerous, if he is not.”
From the beginning, states experimented with different methods of selecting presidential electors, mostly by state legislatures, by the
winners of congressional districts (as Maine and Nebraska elect delegates today) or by giving all of a state’s delegates to the winner
of the statewide popular vote.
By the middle of the 19th century, the statewide popular vote had become the dominant method of selecting electors. James Madison
had remarked in 1823 that, although he preferred voting by district, winner-take-all voting was “the only expedient for baffling the
policy of the particular states which had set the example” by adopting that system. In other words, states could maintain their political
clout only by going along with the winner-take-all method.
How to Win With Fewer Votes
If the idea of an independent Electoral College did not survive the first few presidential elections, another principle has persevered:
that each candidate’s breadth of geographic-support is more important than raw vote totals.
Under the Constitution, each state has Electoral College votes equal to its representation in Congress, including the two U.S.
senators given to each state regardless of population. (Under the 23rd Amendment, ratified in 1961, the District of Columbia has
three electoral votes as if it were a state.) The apportionment of electoral votes results in citizens in different states having different
voting power: Wyoming currently has one electoral vote for every 140,000 or so adults, while California has one electoral vote for
every 510,000 adults.
Following the establishment of the current two-party system just before the Civil War, popular vote winners lost the Electoral College
by small margins in 1876 and 1888. This split did not occur again until 2000 and then 2016, when Democrats won several large
states by wide margins, adding to their national vote total without helping them in the Electoral College. But small shifts in votes would
have given the election to the popular vote loser in a number of other elections (1844, 1884, 1888, 1916, 1928,1948,1960,1976 and
2004).
Not surprisingly, there have been many proposals for constitutional amendments to change the system. In addition to choosing the
president by national popular vote, these have included: awarding electoral votes according to the winner of each congressional
district (again, James Madison’s preference); proportional representation by state (so that a candidate who wins 40 percent of the
vote gets roughly 40 percent of the state’s electors); and codifying what most states do now (giving all electoral votes to the popular
vote winner in each state).
A more inventive solution is the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, which was developed after the 2000 election. As of now,
15 states and the District of Columbia have entered into an agreement to award their electoral votes to the national popular vote
winner–provided that states with at least 270 electoral votes join the compact. Effectively, the plan is an end run around the need for
a constitutional amendment providing for a popular election of the president. Students in Fordham Law’s Democracy and the
Constitution Clinic have endorsed the plan but added that it should be implemented with ranked-choice voting to ensure that the
candidate who ultimately wins has received a majority of the national popular vote.
None of these proposals will be enacted before the election of 2020, when the major-party nominees will be cherry-picking the states
in which to campaign and spend money in an effort to secure the necessary 270 electoral votes to win the election. But hasn’t the
time arrived for the candidates to pursue votes wherever they exist in the country? True, the states with the largest populations might
have more influence over election outcomes than they do now. But most elections would still be close, so candidates would need to
appeal to voters across the country, which could encourage moderation in the country’s politics.
As Gouverneur Morris declared at the Constitutional Convention of 1787: “[If the president] is to be the Guardian of the people, let
him be appointed by the people.”
In endorsing the National Popular Vote Plan in 2006, former U.S. Senator Birch Bayh of Indiana, who was the principal sponsor in the
1970s of an amendment to abolish the Electoral College, observed, “In the United States…one person, one vote is more than a clever
phrase. It’s the cornerstone of justice and equality.”
John D. Feerick is a professor at the of Law in New York. He was dean of the school from 1982 to 2002.
Caption: Presidents chosen by the Electoral College: Rutherford B. Hayes, Benjamin Harrison, George W. Bush and Donald J. Trump
Please Note: Illustration(s) are not available due to copyright restrictions.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2020 America Press, Inc.. All rights reserved.
http://americamagazine.org/
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
“The Electoral College is not what our founders imagined. It is time to rethink it.” America, vol. 223, no. 3, Sept. 2020, p. 10+. Gale In
Context: Opposing Viewpoints, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A635679660/OVIC?u=mlin_b_bunkhcc&sid=OVIC&xid=c70f0c2e.
Accessed 5 Dec. 2020.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A635679660
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Not at all. All papers are written from scratch. There is no way your tutor or instructor will realize that you did not write the paper yourself. In fact, we recommend using our assignment help services for consistent results.
We check all papers for plagiarism before we submit them. We use powerful plagiarism checking software such as SafeAssign, LopesWrite, and Turnitin. We also upload the plagiarism report so that you can review it. We understand that plagiarism is academic suicide. We would not take the risk of submitting plagiarized work and jeopardize your academic journey. Furthermore, we do not sell or use prewritten papers, and each paper is written from scratch.
You determine when you get the paper by setting the deadline when placing the order. All papers are delivered within the deadline. We are well aware that we operate in a time-sensitive industry. As such, we have laid out strategies to ensure that the client receives the paper on time and they never miss the deadline. We understand that papers that are submitted late have some points deducted. We do not want you to miss any points due to late submission. We work on beating deadlines by huge margins in order to ensure that you have ample time to review the paper before you submit it.
We have a privacy and confidentiality policy that guides our work. We NEVER share any customer information with third parties. Noone will ever know that you used our assignment help services. It’s only between you and us. We are bound by our policies to protect the customer’s identity and information. All your information, such as your names, phone number, email, order information, and so on, are protected. We have robust security systems that ensure that your data is protected. Hacking our systems is close to impossible, and it has never happened.
You fill all the paper instructions in the order form. Make sure you include all the helpful materials so that our academic writers can deliver the perfect paper. It will also help to eliminate unnecessary revisions.
Proceed to pay for the paper so that it can be assigned to one of our expert academic writers. The paper subject is matched with the writer’s area of specialization.
You communicate with the writer and know about the progress of the paper. The client can ask the writer for drafts of the paper. The client can upload extra material and include additional instructions from the lecturer. Receive a paper.
The paper is sent to your email and uploaded to your personal account. You also get a plagiarism report attached to your paper.
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Delivering a high-quality product at a reasonable price is not enough anymore.
That’s why we have developed 5 beneficial guarantees that will make your experience with our service enjoyable, easy, and safe.
You have to be 100% sure of the quality of your product to give a money-back guarantee. This describes us perfectly. Make sure that this guarantee is totally transparent.
Read moreEach paper is composed from scratch, according to your instructions. It is then checked by our plagiarism-detection software. There is no gap where plagiarism could squeeze in.
Read moreThanks to our free revisions, there is no way for you to be unsatisfied. We will work on your paper until you are completely happy with the result.
Read moreYour email is safe, as we store it according to international data protection rules. Your bank details are secure, as we use only reliable payment systems.
Read moreBy sending us your money, you buy the service we provide. Check out our terms and conditions if you prefer business talks to be laid out in official language.
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